When One Viewpoint Dominates, Everyone Loses


At Davidson College, just 3% of faculty fall into a political minority, highlighting a clear imbalance.



According to the North Carolina State Board of Elections, the Davidson College faculty includes very few Republican Party-affiliated scholars. A DFTD investigation of publicly available voter registration records found that Republicans make up just 3.17% of the total faculty. In comparison, nearly half (46.03%) are registered Democrats, and the rest are unaffiliated (27.78%) or unregistered (23.02%). With all but six departments in the hard sciences and social sciences not currently employing a single Republican, this raises questions about ideological diversity at the college and whether certain voices may be excluded or disadvantaged in the hiring process because of their views.

While this is not evidence itself that Republicans are barred from hiring in any way, or that political party affiliation accounts for all ideological preferences or a full ideological picture of the college faculty, the implications of such an imbalance, possibly influenced by bias in the hiring process, are concerning. In 2025, DFTD successfully advocated for the removal of ideological screening via diversity statements in hiring, but it will not be enough to truly impact political or ideological diversity. With faculty-driven hiring, the closed-loop model can reinforce any preexisting biases.


The need for a hiring process that considers the importance of including a wide range of perspectives is vital to a healthy academic culture. Without it, avenues of intellectual inquiry for students in class and among their professors as a faculty body are limited, and each person is deprived of the nuanced insights and challenges that an open faculty with a wider range of viewpoints can foster through rigorous disagreement and challenges to the biases of individuals across the political spectrum.


Although political affiliation is not the only factor to consider in creating an ideologically diverse learning environment, as the excellent scholars at Davidson College are more than capable of considering and fairly representing views that differ from their own, the partisan imbalance suggests that certain perspectives may be far more prevalent throughout the college. It remains important to consider whether such an imbalance creates conditions that allow for certain types of bias that would otherwise be challenged.


The quest for political diversity in higher education is in no way exclusive to Davidson. In the essay Diversifying the Academy, Professor Brian T. Fitzpatrick of Vanderbilt Law School lays out the dilemma of achieving political and ideological diversity as he has experienced it as a longtime member of the Vanderbilt Law faculty. We encourage you to read the full essay to get a sense of the importance and difficulty of maintaining a faculty makeup that features a wide range of viewpoints at any institution.


We hope the faculty will encourage courageous inquiry that remains open to thinkers of various perspectives. Such an aspiration is essential to maintaining standards of rigorous inquiry and thoughtful work free from bias. The presence of such standards is vital so that students can continually learn from the expectation to uphold them, thus enabling their adequate preparation for lives of learning, leadership, and service.




June 21, 2026
By Todd Zywicki The Wall Street Journal June 21, 2026 Auburn University is known for its agricultural and STEM programs, its flight school and athletic programs. But the land-grant university recently became notable for another reason: The board of trustees is taking control of the school back from its faculty. The board began seizing the university’s academic programs—including curriculum, course offerings, degree requirements and academic credentials—at its June 5 meeting. The board also dissolved the faculty senate and replaced it with an advisory council to the president, which includes two faculty members from each of the university’s colleges and additional members appointed by the president. The board’s assertion of authority mirrors incoming mandates by the Alabama Legislature restricting the role of faculty senates in the state’s public university system. Predictably, Auburn’s faculty has responded with howls of outrage, decrying these intrusions on the faculty’s authority over academic operations. How could outsiders appointed through a political process have the expertise to make such delicate decisions? I’ve been a professor at a state university for almost 30 years, and I am sympathetic up to a point. But before becoming a professor I was a bankruptcy lawyer. And bankruptcy law teaches an important lesson for how academia can respond to this moment. Bankruptcy gives businesses an opportunity to admit mistakes, reform and emerge stronger. Successful enterprises don’t need bankruptcy lawyers. But when an enterprise loses its way, it goes into receivership. Most universities aren’t financially bankrupt but have lost their mission and direction. Society has long recognized certain institutions’ authority to manage their own affairs. Two notable examples are licensed professionals—such as doctors and lawyers—and universities. Universities, even state universities, have run their enterprises with minimal external oversight. Faculties enjoyed substantial rights of self-governance because they committed to higher standards than those required by ordinary jobs. Professors would establish and maintain standards of scholarly integrity, freedom of speech and inquiry, and rigorous dedication to merit-based assessment of research in specialized areas. They policed their own house, enforcing norms of truth-seeking, maintaining scholarly integrity and rigor, and ensuring that students emerged with basic knowledge, employable skills and civic competency. But over the past several decades, commitment to those values collapsed. Surveys by the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression consistently reveal fear among students and faculty around expressing unfashionable ideas. Universities have seen shout-downs, cancellations and even violence against speakers. Merit and quality yielded to “diversity” and “equity.” Truth-seeking has been displaced by faddish theories and ideologically charged teaching and research. Professors design esoteric departments and teach niche classes to cliques of activist students while the needs of other students and taxpayers for real education go unaddressed. Like companies I represented, universities have lost their way. And many have proved either unable or unwilling to self-correct. When that happens, it is appropriate to put institutions into receivership until they reform and rededicate themselves to their mission. At Auburn incoming students must now take certain required civics and history courses to master basic competency in U.S. history and government. To ensure the classes actually meet that objective, professors will have to make their syllabi publicly available. In the classroom, instructors will be expected to stick to the matter at hand and avoid free-ranging political punditry. Just as other companies can learn from the ones that go bankrupt, other institutions of higher education can learn something from Auburn: Fix what’s broken, or someone else might fix it for you. Mr. Zywicki is a professor at George Mason University’s Antonin Scalia Law School. He was a Dartmouth College trustee, 2005-09. https://www.wsj.com/opinion/bankruptcy-and-higher-education-4c2b178e
June 19, 2026
By the Editorial Board The Wall Street Journal June 19, 2026 The Supreme Court’s 2023 ruling against racial preferences is turning out to be a landmark with profound consequences as its influence spreads. On Thursday the famously progressive Wisconsin Supreme Court ruled unanimously that a state program that issued scholarships based on race violates the U.S. Constitution. Justice Annette Ziegler wrote for the court that the Constitution requires “that every person ‘must be treated based on his or her experiences as an individual—not on the basis of race,’” and that the state cannot “use race as a factor in affording educational opportunities among its citizens.” That must have been painful for the activist liberal majority on the court. In a concurrence, Wisconsin Chief Justice Jill Karofsky took some shots at Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard College (2023) before acknowledging that “I am bound by the precedent set forth in SFFA” and other Supreme Court rulings “when interpreting the Fourteenth Amendment.” The case was brought by the Wisconsin Institute for Law and Liberty against a 1985 Badger State law that reserved need-based scholarships through a grant program for “Black American,” “American Indian,” “Hispanic” and some Southeast Asian undergraduate students enrolled in Wisconsin’s private and technical colleges. Last week the Iowa Supreme Court ruled that a scholarship program earmarked for black University of Iowa students studying physical sciences was “impracticable” under SFFA. State governments would be wise to repeal these discriminatory grant programs, or the courts will do it for them.
June 17, 2026
The school’s Campus Action Response Team launched in 2024 with no public announcement, and now it has been terminated just two years later. The university has a lengthy history of DEI initiatives, including a $121 commitment to such programming through its Plan for Inclusive Excellence. 
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